Utah polygamists have filed a lawsuit against the state of Utah for refusing to issue a marriage license for G. Lee Cook to marry “J. Bronson” on the basis that he already had one wife. The first attempt to have their case heard was turned down by a federal judge, but on 9-25-06 the 10th U.S. District Court of Appeals accepted it.
The Cook’s attorney, Brian Barnard, is arguing that the ban on polygamy is unconstitutional because it targets a specific religion—Mormonism—and it prohibits the free expression of personal religious beliefs.
Regarding the former, the law is neutral in this regard. No one in this country—Mormon or not—can marry more than one person. Regarding the latter, I quote Barnard:
“The sincere and deeply held religious beliefs of J. Bronson, D. Cook and G. Lee Cook are that the doctrine of plural marriage, i.e., a man having more than one wife, is ordained of God and is to be encouraged and practiced.”
“Utah’s criminalization of religious polygamy, even if the crime is rarely prosecuted, brands plaintiffs as criminals and sanctions public and private discrimination based on plaintiffs’ religious based choice of marital relationship.”
In the first statement Barnard is assuming that because the practice is rooted in religious belief it cannot be properly legislated against according to the First Amendment. But this proves too much. Such a principle would turn the free exercise clause into silly putty, requiring us to give legal sanction to any practice someone labels as religious. What if a religion existed (or was invented) in which molesting children was commanded by their gods? Would we have to allow that practice based on the First Amendment? Of course not! The free-exercise clause has limitations. Just what those limits are, unfortunately, is not so clear cut. One thing is clear: societies govern the range of behaviors they will promote, accept, and tolerate, and those they will prohibit. The grounds for determining which are which is our moral intuitions and persuasions. The means is the voting booth.
As a democratic nation, the collective moral judgments of the voting majority will be enshrined into law (unless you live in CA where the legislature doesn’t care what the people want, and most people are so consumed with their plastic lives that they don’t realize or care what their representatives are doing in Sacramento!). Why should the collective moral judgment of the majority be set aside to make room for a religious behavior that the majority of the citizens find immoral? If a democratic nation cannot pass laws prohibiting immoral behavior when the practitioners of those behaviors claim it is religious, then we do not have a democracy. The majority would be subject to the minority, required to allow any religious practice no matter how much it goes against our moral sensibilities, and how damaging it may be to society. That cannot be. In the same way we can prohibit “religious” child molestation without violating the First Amendment on the grounds that it is morally wrong, we can prohibit religious polygamy on moral grounds as well.
His second statement is not much better. Of course those who break the law are criminals, and will be branded as such! Is he really suggesting that we change the law so his clients can avoid being viewed and treated as criminals? What if bank robbers argued this way: “The criminalization of theft brands bank robbers as criminals, and sanctions public and private discrimination based on our choice of employment. To avoid this distasteful situation, we propose theft be made legal.”
Of particular interest is the legal justification he offers for overturning the current ban on polygamy. Referring to a 2003 case in which the Supreme Court overturned Texas’s anti-sodomy laws (Lawrence v. Texas) Barnard wrote, “The [Supreme Court] found no compelling state interest in criminalizing homosexual sodomy based on a long history of states and/or a majority of society finding the practice immoral. Similarly, the state of Utah can offer no compelling justification for criminalizing polygamy.”
Two things should be noted. First, many social conservatives predicted that liberals would use the Lawrence decision as legal ammunition to challenge other deviant sexual-social behaviors such as same-sex marriage and polygamy. They were right. I wouldn’t be surprised if Barnard appeals to Goodrich v. Department of Public Health as well: the MA Supreme Court decision legalizing same-sex marriage in MA. The reasoning employed in that case to legalize same-sex marriage is equally applicable to polygamy.
Second, the statement is rationally ridiculous. Barnard is arguing that the will of the majority, and the moral objections of fellow citizens should not be a factor when determining the legality of polygamy. Excuse me?! Since when does the will of the majority not count in a democracy? That may have been the reasoning of the Supreme Court in Lawrence, but that does not mean their reasoning was sound. In fact, their reasoning was quite asinine.
Since when are moral considerations irrelevant to law-making? Law is a moral enterprise on its face. Every law either promotes a good or prohibits an evil (bad). If morals cannot inform the law concerning marriage, then what does? If the majority of the citizenry cannot determine how they want to define marriage, then who should? I have to assume that the answer to these questions is the will of the immoral minority.
It’s not surprising when you dismiss democratic majority rule and morals legislations from the equation that there no longer remains a compelling justification for criminalizing polygamy. Why? Because they are the most compelling reasons! Dismissing them a priori only begs the question. I would like to know what compelling reasons there are to dismiss these compelling reasons as illegitimate to the question? I have no compelling reason to think the will of the majority and the moral position of the citizenry of this country should be excluded from the legal process. In fact, if we do so we destroy the democratic process.
October 6, 2006 at 2:37 am
Barnard is arguing that the will of the majority, and the moral objections of fellow citizens should not be a factor when determining the legality of polygamy. Excuse me?! Since when does the will of the majority not count in a democracy? That may have been the reasoning of the Supreme Court in Lawrence, but that does not mean their reasoning was sound. In fact, their reasoning was quite asinine.
That’s the point of having courts – to avoid the main flaw of democracy, majoritarianism.
In the early 20th century the majority of americans were happy with segregation, and it was the job of the courts to choose the moral right despite the will of the people.
Our courts, on the highest levels, are free from election for this reason.
As a side note, i have no interest in seeing polygamy legalized and I don’t believe that religion should ever be afforded these special rights by reason of their participants credulity.
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October 9, 2006 at 3:49 pm
Anonymous,
Where do you get the idea that the purpose of the courts is to choose the moral right despite the will of the people? Do you find that in the Constitution? No. Do you find that in the writings of the Founding Fathers? No. You are talking about how the government is supposed to function. If you are going to assert that the purpose of the judicial branch is to choose the moral right when the majority won’t, you’ll need a reference in the Constitution that says so, because that is the document detailing the function and responsibility of each branch of government.
What makes you think judges are in a better place to judge what is right than the rest of us are, including the other two branches of government? You seem to presuppose (whether aware of it or not) that judges are morally and intellectually superior to everyone else. Nonsense. If judges can overrule the will of the majority whenever they do not like it, then we do not have a democracy; we have an oligarchy.
You also seem to presuppose that whenever judges make a decision that goes against the will of the majority, that such a decision is for the moral good. But why believe that? It may be easy to think that these days given the liberality of our judges and their judicial philosophy. But what if the tables were turned? You sound like you might be a social liberal. What if the majority of Americans were social liberals like yourself, and yet the justices were social conservatives? If they kept overturning the will of the people on the basis that the will of the people was immoral, would you be saying “the purpose of the courts is to choose the moral right despite the will of the people”? I highly doubt it. You would be saying the courts are interfering with democracy. I would agree. Let me give you an example.
I oppose embryonic stem cell research (but support the morally neutral adult stem cell research). I happen to live in CA, a state that recently approved $6 billion dollars in research dollars for this kind of research. My fellow citizens voted this in. While I am completely opposed to it, and while I am being forced to fund it with my tax dollars, I would not think of trying to overturn the law by shopping my case to some court that would do just that. It was the will of the people. And clearly, it is Constitutional. I know so because our Constitution says nothing about ESCR; therefore, judges have no business ruling on its legality. What I will do, however, is work to persuade my fellow citizens to change the law. I will work to change their mind/will, so that the majority will shift to my position. That is democracy. Unfortunately liberals cannot persuade the majority to adopt their view, so they circumvent the democratic process by taking their case up before unelected judges who share their views, and get the law pronounced “unconstitutional” (even though 99% of the time the Constitution has nothing to do with it).
The fact of the matter is that the personal opinion of a justice should have nothing to do with his/her decision. Their job is to interpret what the law is, not what they would like it to be. When the Constitutionality of a law is in question, again, the purpose of a justice is not to determine whether they think it ought to be permitted, but whether the Constitution permits it. That is a question of interpretation of a historical document. It’s not a question of a judge’s own personal views on the issue.
You mentioned segregation. You forget that it was the Supreme Court that said it was Constitutional in the first place. They later reversed their decision. The fact of the matter is that judges, just like the rest of us, can be right sometimes and wrong sometimes. I agree that segregation was immoral, and that it was shameful that the will of the majority allowed it for so long, but the fact of the matter is that we set aside our system of government to correct the wrong. The democratic process should have been allowed to play out, just as it has in other situations in which evil was finally triumphed over when the majority was persuaded against their earlier positions.
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October 10, 2006 at 1:28 pm
Jason, I must disagree with you and Anonymous on some of the more basic points that you both have made about our system of government in this country. First and foremost, your description of democracy appears to be that of a pure democracy. The majority votes and the majority gets what it wants. As a matter of fact, our form of democracy is not a pure democracy, but a representative democracy – where representatives of the people make the decisions for the people. I think both you and Anonymous have some correct statements in your comments. Anonymous talks about majoritarianism as a flaw to a pure democracy – the founding fathers discussed this issue at length in the Federalist Papers. This was the argument that Madison posed in favor of a stronger federal government – his concern over factions. You are correct that in your comments regarding the need for the other branches of government to be involved – specifically the legislature as they are the most directly elected representatives of the people.
The second point is where the courts come in on this is that the courts have the power of judicial review – see Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803). I know that your concern is that this power was self-proclaimed by the judiciary for the judiciary. The truth of the matter is that many of the founding fathers were still a part of the government at the time of the decision and none of them came out to declare that it was never an intended part of the Constitution. Many of the lines that separate the responsibilities of the different branches of government are vague and very difficult to discern, but we have to allow someone be the one to referee the issues – since Marbury it has been the judicial branch and all the other branches of government accept that.
My third point relates to why the judiciary has been allowed to have the power to make the decisions that it does. I believe that it really stems form that decision in Marbury, where Chief Justice John Marshall exemplified judicial restraint in deciding a case that everyone new was against his personal views, but through that restraint claimed the power of judicial review. It was that restraint that legitimized his claim that the courts were created to decide what laws and government actions were constitutional or not. I know that more recently is seems that many justices have not followed in Marshall’s footsteps in restraining their views to defer to the appropriate application of law and precedent, but that doesn’t change the fact that this has been the accepted role of the courts for the last two centuries. In that regard, the courts are in place to be the ultimate decision maker as to whether the laws that are in place should or should not be allowed to “stay on the books.”
I think that it is within this framework that the current issue of polygamy should be analyzed – which I will need to defer to another time.
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October 15, 2006 at 10:20 pm
Andy,
I know we are a representative democracy rather than a pure democracy. We’re a representative government for some very practical reasons. There are too many decisions to be made for the citizens to properly participate in. It would be too cumbersome and slow of a process, so we elect people to represent our point of view on our behalf. Through that representative the majority should be getting what it wants. We don’t elect people to office so they can ignore the desires of those whom they represent. They are OUR representatives. They are representing the district or state who elected them. If the majority of people in the district/state want X, their representative should vote for X. When that doesn’t happen, we call it California.
What was it that the Federalist Papers said about the flaws of majority rule? How did they see a representative form of democracy as overcoming that? Did they advocate that the majority be ignored when the elite thought they knew better than the populace? I say that sort of sarcastically because I’m tired of this perception that Americans are too stupid to know what is good for this country, so we can ignore their will and supplant it with the view of the enlightened. That’s not to say I think Americans know best. There are several issues on which I would agree with the caricature, but the solution is not to circumvent majority rule because we think we know better than they do (even if we do know better in some circumstances). The solution is to persuade the majority toward the right view.
I don’t question judicial review. It’s a check on the legislature, and an inescapable part of judgment. We’ve talked about this before. I support judicial review, but the basis of that review is the Constitution, not the personal opinions or imaginations of the judiciary. The problem we are facing today (particularly in the last 50 years or so, but even as far back as Jefferson’s day) is a judiciary that is substituting its personal opinions for the Constitution, under the rubric of interpreting the Constitution. I’m talking about the propriety of justices judging things unconstitutional to which the Constitution does not speak. Specifically I’m talking about judges who think they can decide an issue (not addressed in the Constitution) for the rest of the country. If the Constitution backs up what they’re saying, that’s fine, but you and I both know that in these sorts of cases the judges are flying by the seat of their pants, not the coattails of the Constitution. If the Constitution does not speak to the issue, neither should the judges. It’s not their job to determine what the law should be. It’s only their job to determine if a law is Constitutional, whether they think it’s a good or bad law.
Regarding Marbury, again, the problem is not judicial review; the problem is with how the Courts have taken advantage of this power to overstep their bounds. One of the greatest of the FF expressed great concern over this situation several times. Thomas Jefferson wrote, “The Constitution…is a mere thing of wax in the hands of the judiciary which they may twist and shape into any form they please. It has long been my opinion, and I have never shrunk from its expression…that the germ of dissolution of our federal government is in the constitution of the federal Judiciary; working like gravity by night and by day, gaining a little today and a little tomorrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief, over the field of jurisdiction, until all shall be usurped.”
And again, “At the establishment of our constitution, the judiciary bodies were supposed to be the most helpless and harmless members of the government. Experience, however, soon showed in what way they were to become the most dangerous….”
And again, “It is a very dangerous doctrine to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions. It is one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy.”
Which brings me to my next point. You said, “Many of the lines that separate the responsibilities of the different branches of government are vague and very difficult to discern, but we have to allow someone be the one to referee the issues – since Marbury it has been the judicial branch and all the other branches of government accept that.” Jefferson sure didn’t! We’ve debated this issue before, so I’m not going to rehash it here, but I think this thinking is clearly wrongheaded. Yes, it is in the primary scope of the judiciary to determine the Constitutionality of a law, but that does not mean their opinion on the matter must be the final word, for that presupposes that only they can properly interpret and apply the Constitution. If any branch of government can bring tyranny to this country it is a small band of unelected, unaccountable judges who can tell the rest of the country that a particular issue is off-limits to them to legislate on (such as abortion).
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October 16, 2006 at 8:28 am
Let me begin first by saying the I agree with you that there a number of supreme court decisions that seem to have little foundation for the decision that they reached. This too does trouble me, but the question is,”do we throw the baby out with the bath water” to remedy the situation. Once judicial review was established and accepted, it meant that justices were free to decide how to interpret what the Constitution says. Article III (giving the judicial branch its power) provides for this. “The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, OR WHICH SHALL BE MADE, UNDER THEIR AUTHORITY…” (emphasis mine). It’s pretty unfortunate, but the cases in which the justices expanded their ability and power the most are cases where the decision made a lot of sense (see Brown v. Bd. of Education).
The flip side of the Court’s authority is that Congress can restrict any issue that they don’t want the Court to hear. So there is a check on them, it’s just not an often used check. Probably because there are at least two sides to every controversy and if the Court decides and issue one way today, it may decide it differently on another day.
I know this sounds like justices just making up law as they see fit, but it really has more to do with interpretation of words. As someone that studies the Bible as much as you do, this concept should be easy to understand. I know that we want the Constitution (or other laws) to be able to have just one interpretation. Where this is different from interpreting the Bible is that the Bible is a perfect manuscipt given by God which enables it to have just one true meaning. Our laws, though based on many Biblical principles, are man-made and man-conceived and thus are incapable of only one interpretation, especially when reading 200 year old document to apply it to today’s society.
In quoting Jefferson, you must realize that he was one of a few that did not believe that we should even have a federal judiciary. His commentary should be interpreted and understood in that context. Nevertheless, the majority of the Continental Congress thought that there should be a federal judiciary and added the above quoted conjuctive clause in providing the courts their power. Again, I agree that the courts should act with restraint, but the power is there nonetheless.
I’ll have to address the Federalist papers issue in another post because I don’t have them with me right now (I’ll try to bring them with me to work tomorrow).
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October 16, 2006 at 8:47 pm
I agree that some of the cases in which the judiciary overextended itself were cases in which they made the right decision. That’s what makes it so hard for some people to accept the notion that the courts should stick to the text of the Constitution! They recognize that it was the judiciary that brought moral justice to the land in quite a number of cases. They bring up the fact that it was the SCOTUS who struck down the anti-interracial marriage laws, and desegregated America.
The problem is not with the decision that was made in these cases. The problem is with WHO made the decision. It should have been the people and their elected representatives in the legislature, not the Courts. Would that mean some social injustices would have continued longer? Yes, in some cases that would be true. (Of course the reverse has been true as well. Because the SCOTUS poked its nose into the abortion issue, the people of this country have been unable to stop this injustice for over 30 years now. 40 million aborted babies later we are still subject to what more than 1/2 this country believes is state-sanctioned murder, and we can’t do anything to stop it because 5 people in black robes thought they knew better than everyone else). But you don’t set aside democracy to correct one area of injustice, because in doing so you injure that which best secures justice: democracy itself.
It reminds me of a story a preacher once told. A farmer had a barn full of mice that he couldn’t get rid of. His two sons decided they would solve the matter. They got their shot guns, went out to the barn, sat on some hay and waited until they saw a mouse. They cocked their guns and fired away. The next thing they knew they were laying on their backs looking up at the brigh blue sky, with flames blazing in the horizon. Little did they know that the mice were sitting on crates of TNT. Did they get the mouse? Yes, but they brought the whole barn down with it. Did the SCOTUS correct an injustice? Yes, but they did so while endangering the stability of the entire barn.
I did not know Jefferson was opposed to a federal judiciary. Very interesting. But that still does not take away from his comments. He saw the Court taking authority to itself that it was not granted by the Constitution, and that properly belonged to the people. The concern is valid apart from Jefferson’s original concerns about the propriety of even having a federal judiciary (unless Jefferson was exaggerating).
What authority is listed there in the Constitution? The power to decide any case they want without having to use the Constitution as the judge? Authority, yes, but limited authority; authority limited by and to the Constitution. I’m not talking about settling disputes. I’m talking about judicial review. If the judges can strike down the will of the people even when the will of the people does not violate anything in the Constitution, then we are not governed by a Constitution, but by the will of judges. And that’s the problem.
I know there are difficulties involved in interpretation. The 2nd amendment is a good example of that. But I’m not talking about debates over what the FF meant by this phrase or that phrase. I’m talking about inventing Constitutional rights out of vague clauses because it fits the judge’s personal beliefs.
You mentioned Biblical interpretation. I’ve heard of more than one preacher who preached against dying one’s hair on the basis that “God hates every false way.” Clearly that passage is not talking about what these preachers appeal to it for–not even in principle for goodness’ sake! Did they appeal to the Bible? Yes, but their appeal is a mere grasping at straws–trying to justify a personal belief by appealing to a string of words in an authoritative document without respect for its contextual meaning, giving their view a ring of authority but without any substance. It’s a stretching of words beyond credulity. That’s what I have a problem with. I don’t have a problem with judicial disagreement over what the 2nd amendment means. Those kind of differences of opinion have less to do with personal ideology and more to do with conflicting and unclear historical data.
Jason
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October 17, 2006 at 8:12 am
think the area of interpretation and how the Constitution is interpreted is where a legal education illuminates the differences that we are talking about here. Let me start with the section of Article III that I quoted. In stating that the judicial power is for that “which shall be made under their authority” there must be an understanding of who gives the Court their authority. Yes, the constitution, but the constitution allows Congress to define what the Supreme Court can do with its authority not mentioned in the constitution. With that said, because of principle of stare decisis that are a part of our legal system, once Marbury v. Madison was decided, the only way that the Supreme Court would not be able to continue down that path would be for Congress to restrict that authority – Congress never did. Additionally, this contradicts your statement that the judiciary can only do what the Constitution states, yes, but if Congress allows the Court to have power in a specific area, then the court will have that power. Congress specifically expanded the role of the courts with the Judiciary Acts of that 1700s and early 1800s. Within the authority of the Constitution, the Congress enabled the Supreme Court to have more authority than just what is stated in the Constitution.
With that being said, some interpretation of the vague language within the Constitution does have to do with just interpreting the language. I don’t think that one can interpret the Constitution without beginning with one’s particular belief. By that I mean that whether one believes that we should have a limited federal government versus a strong federal government will determine how these vague passages are interpreted. There were arguments on both sides of this coin when the Constitution was drafted. If the federal government is too limited then we end up with the Articles of Confederation, which were a complete disaster. Too strong of a federal government and we have a monarchy like England. In any event, the principles of interpretation are present in most Supreme Court decisions regarding Constitutional law. The difficulty here, is that most of the time, there is a fine line between a belief of what kind of government we should have and outright result based decision-making by the court.
To bring this back to a “majority wins” issue, you mentioned in another string the abortion issue. My question to you is do you advocate a complete ban or just the ability of the states to restrict. My assumption is that you favor an outright ban because life begins at conception and any abortion would be murder. Quite honestly, I think that the majority of country believes in the ability of the government to restrict access to abortion, but not an outright ban. Not everyone believes that an embryo is a full-fledged human being and thinks that abortion should be allowed at that point. The reason I ask is that with your previous comments about the majority ruling, this would enable people to have a right to kill babies up to a certain point in the gestational process. I know that the current decisions of the court allow almost unfettered access to abortions; but even if the majority wants abortions restricted, it is unlikely that the majority would go along with a complete ban on abortions. Do you still think that if the few on the court believed as your do that they should be powerless to enforce a law that prohibits the murder of babies?
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October 19, 2006 at 9:07 pm
I posted this comment as one post, but deleted so I could post it as two due to its size…
Andy,
Again, I don’t disagree with judicial review! I disagree with the Court relying on their subjective personal opinions rather than the text of the Constitution when deciding the Constitutionality of a particular law.
I recognize that as a concise, written document there are ambiguities in the text that will result in different interpretations even among those who hold to a conservative judicial philosophy. So I’m not even saying there is one clear, unambiguous interpretation of the Constitution that all justices should agree on, and any departure from that is judicial activism. Indeed, justices holding to a conservative judicial philosophy of interpretation can come to different conclusions about the meaning and applicability of the Constitution in a given case.
What I’m saying is that there are many times when justices do not engage the text of the Constitution to determine what it means (exegesis), but rather to find a way to make it fit the outcome they find satisfying (eisegesis). For example, the Court found in the Constitution a right to abortion on demand. How did the Court arrive at this? Was it something in the text of the Constitution? No. It was the personal opinion of seven justices, who appealed to ambiguous, “elastic” portions of the Constitution to give legal authority to their own opinions (not interpretations). They handle the text of the Constitution just like many of our preachers handle the Bible: formulate an idea, and then search the Bible looking for some words that will justify it (literary and historical context is of little concern). Or think of how preachers go about imposing their personal views on their congregation by appealing to ambigous “catch-all verses” like “avoid the appearance of evil.” In the same way that that is an illegitimate appeal to a legitimate authority (the Bible) to give the appearance of authority to a personal opinion, likewise some justices make an illegitimate appeal to a legitimate authority (the Constitution) to give the appearance of authority to one of their personal opinions. In the same way a preacher abdicates his responsibility and veers outside his authority by using ambiguous words or broad principles of the Bible to legislate his personal views on his congregation, justices abdicate their responsibility and veer outside their authority when they appeal to ambiguous words or broad principles in the Constitution to legislate their morality on the rest of this country. There’s only one place where morality should be legislated: the legislature.
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October 20, 2006 at 7:41 am
Jason, I understand that you don’t have a problem with judicial review. What I was trying to point out with that discussion is that along with judicial review, the court’s power has been expanded beyond just the words of the Constitution by acts of Congress. Congress can do that because of the words in the Constitution. Therefore, the court’s power is broader than the way you have categorized it. I agree that results based decisioning by the Court is wrong – I think that I would come to the conclusion that that happens in a different way than you do, and would claim that it happens less than most people think.
With regard to Penner’s points – I agree that everyone has a fundamental right to life. As a matter of fact, I think most liberals would agree with that and would go even farther by saying that even convicted criminals have an inalienable right to life and therefore capital punishment should be declared unconstitutional (that’s another topic for another day). Where this argument falls short for the liberal is in defining when life actually begins. To them, life begins at point way after conception and therefore abortions cannot be banned before that point. Since it is not a person, they have no right live – yet. Therefore, I don’t think argument does much to further the pro-life point-of-view – the discussion needs to be focused on the beginning of life, not on a right to live.
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October 24, 2006 at 7:04 am
Andy,
Yes, Congress can give additional authority to the Court (or restrict the general authority they are granted by the Constitution). They can even create new courts. But where did Congress give the SCOTUS the authority to go beyond the words and meaning of the Constitution to legislate from the bench? That’s the issue here. The Court was not given the authority by Congress; the Court merely asserted itself as the final authority on divisive socio-moral issues to which the Constitution does not speak (on specific issues, not all).
I agree that judicial activism is not a prevalent problem. Of all the cases reviewed in this country, I would imagine only an extremely small number are clear cases of judicial activism (by which I mean legislating from the bench; i.e. using your own personal views, rather than the words/meaning of the Constitution, as the arbiter of Constitutional law). But those few cases typically involve very important social and moral issues.
I think you may have expected too much out of Penner for a tiny little blog post. She would absolutely agree with you that to make the pro-life case one must demonstrate that the unborn are members of the human race from conception forward. In fact, she argues that elsewhere. But that wasn’t what her point. Her point was that the Court should have heard the case (contra many pro-lifers) because if the unborn are human, hundreds of thousands of unborn American citizens were being deprived of their right to life guaranteed them by the federal government.
Like you said, few will dispute that human beings have a right to life. What they do dispute is whether the unborn are members of the human species, and thus partakers of that right. Actually, this statement has to be qualified. The unlearned pro-abortion apologist will argue that the unborn are not human beings, but you won’t find the learned apologists arguing that way. Why? Because there is no question that the unborn are members of the human species. It is an incontrovertible scientific fact (Penner knows that, and that’s why she is so confident that the Court should have heard Roe, but decided the case the other way). That’s why pro-abortion apologists have shifted the question from “when does (human) life begin?” to “when does valuable (human) life begin?”. They had to change the debate, shifting it from the realm of science to philosophy. Why? Because the pro-abortion position was rooted in a philosophical viewpoint all along. If biology won’t support your position, just abandon it in favor of a philosophy that will. Pro-abortion apologetics are a good example of a conclusion looking for a question.
What I have always found so astonishing about Roe was that the one question they needed answered to make a rational and informed ruling is the one question they admited they could not answer: when does life begin? Justice Blackmun wrote in Article IX, “We need not resolve the difficult question of when life begins. When those trained in the respective disciplines of medicine, philosophy, and theology are unable to arrive at any consensus, the judiciary, at this point in the development of man’s knowledge, is not in a position to speculate as to the answer.” Apart from the stupidity of the question itself (if the unborn were not alive no one would seek an abortion to kill it), and apart from the crazy legal reasoning behind Roe, Blackmun’s (and the Court’s) logical reasoning here is mind-bogglingly asanine. The entire abortion debate hinges on the very question they did not even seek to answer. If the ubnorn are not human, then no justification for abortion is necessary. If, however, the unborn are human no justification is adequate. What are the unborn, then? What did the Court conclude? The Court claimed to be ignorant of the answer, and yet they acted as though the unborn are not human when they sanctioned their deaths. Nobody demolishes a building until they are absoulutely sure everyone is out of that building. The SCOTUS didn’t even bother checking the womb before they released the wrecking ball.
Jason
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October 24, 2006 at 9:37 pm
I know this is a side point to our real discussion here, just today I ran across a good example of how pro-abortion apologists shift the debate from biology to philosophy. A member of South Dakota’s Abortion Task Force recounted the testimony of Dr. Marvin Buehner:
Dr. Marvin Buehner, an OB/GYN from Rapid City testified that he has spent the last eighteen years of his life “basically dedicated to women’s health care. At this time, the vast majority of my practice is obstetrics.” He was called upon by the pro-abortion side of the debate to share his expertise with the task force. He stated, “While I respect the opinions and positions of those who believe that life begins at conception, for me the question of when meaningful human life begins is a difficult one.” When asked to clarify his position, he said that he has “respect for those who believe that–and are convinced that–life begins at conception. I don’t necessarily share that view, cuz I’m–I don’t know.”
Seeking further clarification, task force member Dr. John Stransky asked whether Dr. Buehner’s testimony was that “human life does not begin with the fertilization of the ovum and the creation of a zygote.”
Buehner replied, “I’m saying that I don’t know when meaningful human life, from the standpoint of the question of abortion or other ethical issues regarding prenatal care occurs. I don’t know the answer….”
http://www.jimgilliam.com/2003/11/
the_definition_of_marriage.php#47981
I highly doubt if the good doctor ever found the term “meaningful human life” in his college textbooks, and I seriously doubt that he ever looked at one under the microscope. He is appealing to a philosophical viewpoint because he knows the conclusion of biology.
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